The Release (1)

 
In the last couple of weeks, there had been inferences from various Igbo individuals and organizations purporting to prove that Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s release from Calabar prison was at the instance of both Aguiyi-Ironsi and Odumegwu Ojuwku. It is necessary to hear from the man himself, as he was known to keep clear records of events. Hence, the following, in three parts, were extracted from his book:”Adventures in Power, Book One”

In the wake of the coup d’etat, a Federal Military Government was formed with Major-General Aguiyi Ironsi at its head. It was customary that in that kind of event, political prisoners like myself were pardoned and released. So, expectations were again high that in a matter of days, rather than weeks, I would be released. But not so. I waited in vain for two-and-a-half months for the joyful news.

Then in March, Chief Giwa-Osagie, the Director of Prisons paid a visit to Calabar. He had a message for me from the Head of the Military Government. It was to the effect that if I wrote a petition for pardon and release, it would be granted. Why petition and why on my own behalf alone, and not on behalf of my prisoner colleagues? I did not like the suggestion and I told the Director so. He assured me that once I was released, the release of the others would soon follow. I told him I would think about it and let him know my final decision. About two weeks later, he sent a message by telephone through Mr. Gabriel Ohwo, the Superintendent in charge, that it had been agreed that the petition could cover all my colleagues as I wished. Then without delay, I wrote the following which was immediately dispatched.

CONFIDENTIAL
28th March, 1966

The Supreme Commander and
Head of the Federal Military Government
Lagos.
Through: The Director of Prisons,
Prisons Headquarters Office,
Private Mail Bag 12522,
Lagos.

Sir,
PREROGATIVE OF MERCY: SECTION 101(1) (a) OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE FEDERATION ACT 1963
1. I am writing this petition for FREE PARDON under Section 101 (1) (a) of the Constitution of the Federation Act 1963, on behalf of myself and some of my colleagues whose names are set out in the Annexe hereto.

2. Before I go further, I would like to stress that the reasons which I advance in support of this petition, in my own behalf, basically hold good for my said colleagues. For they share the same political beliefs with me, and have intense and unquenchable loyalty for the ideals espoused by the Party which I have the honor to lead.

3. There are many grounds which could be submitted for your consideration in support of this petition. But I venture to think that SEVEN of them are enough and it is to these that I confine myself:

(1) I the course of my evidence during my trial, I stated that my Party favored and was actively working for alliance with the N.C.N.C as a means, among other things, of solving what I described as the “problem of Nigeria”, and strengthening the unity of the Federation. In October 1963(that is about a month after my conviction and while my appeal to the Supreme Court was still pending), a Peace Committee headed by the Chief Justice of the Federation, Sir Adetokunbo Ademola, made overtures to me through my friend, Alhaji W. A. Elias to the effect that if I abandoned my intention to enter into alliance with the N.C.N.C which, according to the Committee, was an Ibo Organization, and agreed to dissolve the Action Group and , in co-operation with Chief Akintola (now deceased), form an all-embracing Yoruba political party which I would lead and which would go into alliance with the N.P.C, I would be released from prison before the end of that year. I turned down these terms because I was of the considered opinion that there acceptance would further widen and exacerbate inter-tribal differences, and gravely undermine the unity of the Federation.

Today, the military government, of which you are the Head leaves no one in any doubt that it stands for Nigerian Unity. But it must be emphasized, in this connection, that if I had prized my personal freedom above the unity of Nigeria, I would have been set free in 1963. In that event, this petition would not have been necessary and the work of consolidating the unity of this country to which you and your colleagues now set your hands might have been made extremely more intractable and irksome. As recently as 20th December 1965, identical peace terms(the only variant being that the alliance with the N.C.N.C which was now a reality should be broken) were made to me here, in Calabar Prison, by a delegation representing another Peace Committee headed by the self-same Chief Justice of the Federation and purporting to have the blessing of the Prime Minister, with the unequivocal promise that if I accepted the terms, my release would follow almost immediately. I rejected the terms for the reasons which I have outlined above.

(2) One of the monsters which menaced the public life of this country up to 14th January, this year is OPPORTUNISM with its attendant evils of jobbery, venality, corruption, and unabashed self-interest. From all accounts, you are inflexibly resolved to destroy this monster. That was precisely what my colleagues and I had tried to do before we were rendered hors de combat since May, 1962. On two different occasions I was offered, first the post of Deputy Prime Minister (before May 1962), and second that of Deputy Governor-General (in August 1962), if I would agree to fold up the Opposition and join in a National Government. I declined the two offers because they were designed exclusively to gratify my self- interest, with no thought of fostering any political moral principle which could benefit the people of Nigeria. The learned Judge who presided over the Treasonable Felony Trial, commented unfavorably on my non-acceptance of these posts and held that my action lent weight to the case of the Prosecution against me. I must say, however, that in all conscience, I felt and still feel that a truly public-spirited person should accept public office not for what he can get for himself – as the profit and glamour of office – but for the opportunity “which it offers him of serving his people to the best of his ability, promoting their welfare and happiness. To me, the two aforementioned posts were sinecures, and were intended to immobilize my talents and stultify the role of watch-dog which people of Nigeria looked upon me to play on their behalf, at that juncture in our political evolution.

(3) This leads me to the third ground. From newspaper reports, it would appear that you and your colleagues – like all well­ meaning Nigerians – are anxious that on the termination of the present military rule, Nigeria should become a flourishing democracy. Now, democracy is a political doctrine which is very intimately dear to my heart. It was to the end that it might be accepted as a way of life in all parts of the Federation that I campaigned most vigorously and relentlessly in the Northern Provinces of Nigeria, from 1957 to 1962, to the implacable annoyance of some of my political adversaries. It was to the end that this doctrine might survive the severe onslaught of opportunist and mercenary politics that I refused to succumb to the temptation of the National Government. Many views – some of them well-considered and respectable have been expressed about the value or disvalue of opposition as a feature of public life in a newly emergent African State. Speaking for my party, I submit that the Opposition which I led did, to all intents and purposes, justify its existence and was acclaimed by the masses of our people as essential and indispensable to rapid national growth. This was so, because it was unexceptionally constructive. The abrogation of the Anglo-Nigeria was one of the feathers in its cap. Some of the policies which the Government of the day later adopted – such as the creation of a Federal Ministry of Agriculture and the introduction of drastic measures to correct our balance of pa yments deficit – were among those persistently and constructively urged by the Opposition inside and outside Parliament. The point I wish to emphasize here is that it was not spite or hatred for anyone that I chose to remain in Opposition instead of joining the much-talked-of National Government. I did so in order to serve our people to the best of my ability ia position in which their votes had placed my Party, and to ensure that the young plant of democracy grows into a sturdy flourishing tree in Nigeria.

(4) Since the declaration of emergency in the Western Region on 29th May, 1962, political tension has existed in Western Nigeria. My conviction on 11th September, 1963, together with surrounding bizarre circumstances, has led not only to heightening of that tension in Western Nigeria but also to its profuse and irrepressible percolation to the other parts of the Federation. The result is that .it can be said, without much fear of contradiction that today the majority of our people passionately concerned about. and fervently solicitous for the release of myself and my colleagues. The work of reconstruction on which you and your colleagues have embarked demands that all the citizens of Nigeria in their respective callings should give of their maximum best . A state of psychological tension, however mµch it may be brought under control or repressed, does not ‘and cannot conduce to maximum efficiency. In spite of themselves, people laboring under emotions which this kind of tension automatically generates are bound to make avoidable mistakes which in their turn have adverse effects on national progress . It is, therefore, in the national interest that this tension should relaxed, if possible, without further delay.

CULLED FROM OODUA PATHFINDER 

TO BE CONTINUED.......